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Anti-Capitalist Meetup: Toward a Leftist Program for Working Class Consciousness by MrJayTee

3:05 pm in Uncategorized by Anti-Capitalist Meetup

The original title of this diary was to be “Toward a Leftist Program by the Working Class, for the Working Class”, an neat, academic-sounding title reflecting an admirable goal: how can we, whatever our class background or position on the left, understand the needs and goals of working people in the United States and help to catalyze the development of a political program that reflects those needs and goals, one ideally led by the working class itself?

Looking at the critical ingredients of such a program, the lack of one especially stands out to me: the paralyzing absence of any significant consciousness among American workers of themselves as a class apart, one locked in a harrowing and historic struggle with the ruling class for the control of their lives and futures. The purpose of this diary, then, is to consider this problem in general programmatic terms using the thoughts proffered below as a point of departure.

Before going further, I hasten to note that I am not an academic, theorist, or long-time activist, just a working class guy and ecumenical socialist who was lucky enough to get a broad education. I am intent on understanding how my own class, so numerous and possessing a proud history of action and achievement, can embrace and use its own enormous power and what, if anything, the serious left can do to catalyze revolutionary working class consciousness.

First, some basic definitions. By “working class”, I mean agricultural workers and people working for wages in industrial, manual, and service occupations. By “left” and “serious left”, I mean the anti-capitalist left, including, for example, left anarchists, democratic socialists, orthodox socialists, and communists. “Revolutionary” means tending to the significant disruption and subversion of capitalism and its structures with the aim of its replacement by a leftist order. Finally, I am explicitly proceeding on the assumption that working people’s collective self perception as an oppressed but potentially powerful class is an indispensable component of the machinery of radical change.

To be effective, it’s important to be realistic about the scale of the change we’re working for and the speed at which we can accomplish it. If our goal is to nurture working class power to the point of profound social change, we must understand that we are not starting a project, but continuing one. We represent the current generation of a struggle that has been going on at least since the beginning of Industrialization. Thus, our task is to gather the threads of the struggle so far and pull them forward. But while we’re taking care to be realistic about the long time line of our struggle, it’s also important to understand that we have advantages, too.

As labor history shows us, we need not win over the entire working class, or even a majority, to further working class power. Periods of revolutionary change, whether for better or worse, are often sparked by an activist minority surrounded by a discouraged or indolent majority. Victories by key worker organizations in key industries drove the Gilded Age into the Progressive Era and then, after WWI and the Depression, into the period of worker militancy that brought about the New Deal. To use this advantage, what we might call activist leverage, we must identify where worker consciousness is at its greatest today and encourage it, while identifying where it is weak and strengthening it.

Here we come to a profound divide, but also to another advantage. My statement above about the paralyzing lack of class consciousness is really only true of the white majority. Among People of Color, an ever increasing proportion of the population, there is both current militancy and a history of militancy. Today, Latinos and African Americans lead the most visible and successful elements of working class opposition to capital and its systems of oppression, from Moral Mondays in the South to the movement to raise the wages of Fast Food and service workers nationally. In terms of boots on the ground, these movements are overwhelmingly Latino and African American and are significantly so in their leadership.

The Working Class of Color is building on a preexisting, ethnicity-based consciousness of itself to achieve economic and political goals. This demographic is growing, unstoppably it seems, as the white population ages and dwindles. It is significant for the stability and strength of this movement that both African Americans and Latinos already understand, given their histories, that radical change is not achieved without overcoming state repression, including state violence. One of the great disappointments of the Occupy Movement was how little resistance from the state was needed to force it’s dormancy. Black and Latino Americans, on the other hand, long ago understood the nature of their adversary, and have been able despite state oppression to credit themselves with the victories of the Civil Rights and Farm Workers’ Rights movements.

What does the left do here? Where there are active worker-oriented movements, get in behind the workers of color leading the charge and beside the rank and file in the street. Speak, write, and donate, of course, but get out into the street and make it clear we offer not just our mouths and checkbooks, but our dedicated physical presence. Embrace a leftist perspective dedicated to listening and learning from workers of color and pursuing their goals with the secondary purpose of modestly offering a systematic leftist perspective when appropriate and possible.

And what of the contemporary white working class? Particularly since the neo-liberal backlash, this decreasingly organized bloc has functioned more as a self-policing organ of capital than as a class with its own critical interests, something the ruling class has exploited to the hilt. Still, the recent downturn has increased white consciousness of class inequality, even if it hasn’t sparked a movement. Nevertheless, I believe white workers are more open to our message now than they have been in decades, both for direct economic reasons but also because younger working class whites are more accustomed to diversity and less indoctrinated to form a identity based on being “white”, i.e., a certified part of the ruling class.

Here, the task of promoting class consciousness is harder because we must penetrate the ideology that positions the left as alien, or at best irrelevant, to the working class. As with workers of color, the core principles take precedence: listening, learning, and working beside in order to promote working class accomplishment and to build trust and understanding.

We must also reconnect present workers to the achievements of past workers who can serve as models for activism in the present day. Of course the history I speak of is ethnically diverse, but workers of color already have recent and compelling examples of how working people like themselves changed history. We need to reconnect the white working class to their history, to the mine workers of Appalachia and the West, and to the steel and auto workers of the Midwest, people whose sacrifice and bravery changed America radically.

This is not to say we should–or need to–shy away from theory or intersectionality, but that to be effective among working people in general, especially among those so strongly indoctrinated against us, we must break decisively the persistent perception of the left as cold, distant, impractical, and exclusive. We must connect the left and its ideas to issues of direct, here-and-now economic importance to working people. We cannot influence people who simply do not see us.

Many thanks to you all for your attention. I’m not much of an essayist, but I hope this modest piece will bring our some useful conversation.

Anti-Capitalist Meetup: Some Thoughts on Poverty and the Social Welfare State by NY Brit Expat

4:32 pm in Uncategorized by Anti-Capitalist Meetup

When the term poor is used and when we discuss poverty, there are commonplace definitions that we always rely on. To be poor relates to a lack of money or income. But that is a tautology in many senses; a definition that already presumes that poverty relates solely to income and while commonplace is essentially misleading. A far more useful definition of poverty relates to a broader range of things within a social context. Let’s begin with some definitions of poverty in the context of the modern debate on poverty:

Let’s start with that advanced by the Joseph Rowntree Foundation:

“Relative Poverty – When we talk about poverty in the UK today we rarely mean malnutrition or the levels of squalor of previous centuries or even the hardships of the 1930s before the advent of the welfare state. It is a relative concept. ‘Poor’ people are those who are considerably worse off than the majority of the population – a level of deprivation heavily out of line with the general living standards enjoyed by the by the majority of the population in one of the most affluent countries in the world (”

Additional definitions address the impact of poverty on ensuring accessing fundamental notions of rights, like the European Commission definition. In its Joint Report on Social Inclusion (2004) the EC defined poverty in the following way:

“People are said to be living in poverty if their income and resources are so inadequate as to preclude them from having a standard of living considered acceptable in the society in which they live. Because of their poverty they may experience multiple disadvantage through unemployment, low income, poor housing, inadequate health care and barriers to lifelong learning, culture, sport and recreation. They are often excluded and marginalised from participating in activities (economic, social and cultural) that are the norm for other people and their access to fundamental rights may be restricted (”

What we can do is link the existence of poverty directly to property ownership, or the lack of it. Essentially poverty is a direct result of a system of property ownership and hence the rise of classes in human society. At its most fundamental level, poverty relates to a lack of ownership of property which thereby requires people to labour to ensure their subsistence. That sounds like all of the working class is essentially poor; by definition yes it is … the fact that people need to work to sustain themselves is due to the fact that they have limited ownership of property on which to survive without working.

While this sounds incredibly Marxist, actually this definition actually goes back to Jeremy Bentham’s defence of wealth inequality and his argument that we cannot eliminate poverty; we can eliminate destitution or indigence, but not poverty. According to Bentham, poverty (the state of having no recourse to property) is the general state of mankind. It is the fact that the vast majority of humanity does not own property that forces them to sell their labour to obtain their subsistence.

If we accept Bentham’s argument and quite honestly it is far more sensible than arguing that people are poor as they have insufficient income or money as that is meaningless, then an obvious question arises in this context: what happens when people are unable to labour (due to age or infirmity initially)? No one with the slightest bit of morality would argue that they should be left to die. But let’s add another condition which relates specifically to a situation in which the economic system produces large numbers of people that are unable to find employment deriving from the way in which the system reproduces itself and also are unable to produce their own subsistence due to private ownership of land and also means of production?

Class Relations and Provision

How the subsistence of people that are unable to labour is provided and what is the role of the ruling classes (in its various incarnations) in this provision became relevant once people become separated from directly producing their own subsistence. This is the topic which this piece addresses; this is essentially an old question and arises with the existence of towns and in societies based upon trade; that is, it is a long-standing problem of human existence and the interrelationship between those in the countryside and surviving in the towns are inextricably linked.

What also needs to be addressed are the various attempts to address provision for the poor in the context of various systems, addressing the differences between charity (both religious based and secular) and the social welfare state seems an obvious question. The issues that need to be considered in this context are the relationship between access to wealth and property and the maintenance of the status quo in the context of provision for the poor.

An important question that relates to this point is whether the creation of the social welfare state would have occurred in the absence of working class movements as the ruling class recognised that the required reproduction of the working class was threatened due to the inadequate provision provided by charity requiring a more systematic manner of maintenance of a reserve army of labour or was this forced upon them by the demands of the working class through the strength of various forms of working class movements.

I would argue the latter; the specific forms of general protection were those fought for and demanded by the working class and their demands conditioned and influenced what was ultimately instituted by the ruling class. But would these have been done if they weren’t in the interest of capital? Certainly not, the need to balance keeping workers incomes as low as possible with ensuring the subsistence and reproduction of the next generation of workers provides a basic socially accepted level to which wage income cannot fall below at least without considerable resistance and time. This is a socially determined level and as such differs between countries and over time and space. Access to healthcare, pensions, education, housing, decent working conditions become a part of general social subsistence and if it could be provided independently of wages so much the better. However, the provision of these things independently from employment breaks down the link between work and subsistence that is such an important part of maintaining and justifying class societies.

If historically, work was the manner in which non-propertied people’s subsistence was obtained, and if the linkage between work and subsistence is severed, this creates a problem especially in a system which relies upon the exploitation of the work of the vast majority to function. In the context of the capitalist system, where obtaining paid labour to survive in order to produce exchange values is essential for the system to function, the introduction of the possibility of obtaining subsistence through assistance of the social welfare state introduces a serious tension.

Part of the problem derives from the manner in which work is done in the context of the system where human creativity and endeavour is rarely part of the job; the other part of the problem is the lack of recognition of work which is unremunerated like women’s labour in the home, that is it produces use value for the society at large, but not exchange value in the context of the system. Additionally, rather than see work in a broader sense that contributes to the society at large (which is something that people do constantly irrespective of remuneration), work in capitalism is tied to paid labour in the interests of capital itself and this means that the introduction of guaranteed incomes in the absence of work introduces a threat to a system dependent upon the exploitation and deskilling of labour. This has led to attempts to both dilute the social welfare state and reintroduce the linkage between work and subsistence, Bill Clinton’s welfare reform (1996) and the introduction of workfare should be seen in this context. This tension and attempts to deal with it are still being played out today in the advanced capitalist world.

Social Responsibility: Horizontality and Verticality

Poverty exists in economic systems prior to the consolidation of the capitalist economic system. There is ample evidence from religious texts and laws specifically to address the importance of charity and caring for the indigent, the sick or infirm, and the elderly and these texts pre-date capitalism by quite some time. Clear commandments to give charity are an essential part of what it means to be a good Muslim and Jew for example. It is not considered to be a voluntary; it is incumbent upon you to provide for the less fortunate as part of your obligations to others.

We can discuss social responsibility for family members and members of the community as it was addressed in the context of some different modes of production; we can break it up as pre-capitalist and then capitalist. Secondly, framing the discussion in terms of the relationship between vertical and horizontal provision of subsistence for all members of society is helpful. This is especially so when we are able to put the discussion into the context of how everything gets subsumed to verticality due initially to the nature of religion and later social provision in the context of the social welfare state when it became obvious that religious and philanthropic organisations could not cover the quantity and quality of assistance required due to the large numbers of unemployed created by a system in which profitability is the primary consideration.

The term “horizontality” refers to the idea of equality in a relationship coinciding with the receipt of subsistence as part of a group (irrespective of definition from small family unit to member of the human race); that is, you are entitled to subsistence due to simply being part of the group. This implies no power relationship or obligation; it is merely a relationship of entitlement. “Verticality,” on the other hand, relates to this being received through the basis of beneficence due to power relationships of leader or representative of ruling class to member of group; this can be from god’s representative, from the leader of the community to their “dependents” or “subjects” (father to child, king to subjects, “god” — or his representatives — to the faithful, or state to citizens). This connotes a sense of obligation and power relationship as it is the organisation of work or society by the leader(s) that ensures the existence of everyone’s subsistence.

Whether the property was under control of a group to ensure the group’s subsistence and reproduction of the next generation and hence the creation of a more horizontal relationship between group members or whether it was more vertical under the control of a leader, ensuring subsistence and reproduction of the group was essential.

The interesting question that already begins in such an early time was to ensure reproduction of the group, and if property was already privatised, maintenance of control over this property ensuring that the property-less were provided for was an essential component of maintaining control.

Justification of the maintenance of property and the assertion of leadership means that at an early stage of human societal development leaders needed to demonstrate that subsistence of community would be ensured due to their leadership. Then there are those who irrespective of the division of labour cannot provide for themselves due to age (too young or too old) or infirmity (whether temporary or permanent) and they need to be provided or accounted for in the context of the social grouping as a whole. The relationship between kinship, community, and social provision ensuring subsistence and reproduction of all is strongly intertwined.

This is something that has persisted even as human societies transformed through various modes of production. However, what has altered is the horizontality or verticality of the relationship between people within a social or religious grouping, community, society, nation and nation-state.

Sometimes a completely vertical relationship can maintain the ideas underlying initial horizontal relationships, but the reality and provision are done under the control of those in power. One example of the persistence of initial horizontality can be found in the requirement to provide through charity for less fortunate members of the community. This is seen in many religions as an essential commandment for all members; provision for the elderly, children, the sick, the poor is required to be a member in good standing of the religion smoothing your access to heaven and/or earthly rewards. This does not have to take the more vertical form of actual provision of funds, but can take the more horizontal form of services to others for those that cannot give funds; giving of your time to assist others, providing access to water for all on a road well-travelled or sharing what you have with others.

More and more, the manner in which this was done was not through direct provision or support between people (although this clearly persists even today), but rather through the systematic intercession of religious authority; thereby providing legitimacy for the religion as provider of assistance for the poor. Initially, religion, rather than the state, became the main provider of assistance to those in need that had fallen through the cracks in terms of defined roles for working people in the society.

Overwhelmingly, responsibility for those in need belonged first to family; in the absence of family to be responsible, provision for the elderly, the disabled or sick, women and children would be provided. The fact that the provision of assistance to the destitute was deemed to be first the responsibility of family, then the local community and then the religion itself (or the state as representative of the religion in theocracies) is enshrined in most religions in discussions of provision of charity.

Essentially, charity of all sorts is limited and requires a network beginning at the level of the family and throughout communities. It requires sufficient wealth and income inequality to sustain provision. Simply enshrining coverage through religion does not cover everyone in the society and it cannot do so in the context of a capitalist system producing large numbers of unemployed people and the need for a group of unemployed people to be called into work when the opportunity arises during its industrial phase.

Initially, the state, as Le Gauchiste raised in his discussion of bread provision was tied into guaranteed subsistence for the non-propertied as a whole rather than for those that had fallen through the cracks in society. This discussion can be seen not only in the older discussions of bread and circuses of the Romans, and in the assize on bread that existed in large parts of Europe, but even in later discussions of the role of the state in the works of Locke and also the Physiocrats where the role of the state in civil society as an extension of the right to subsistence guaranteed by the right to life is argued to be ensuring the subsistence of all in the context of rising private property relations in land commensurate with the completion of the transition to capitalism and the bourgeois democratic revolution.

The state was essentially forced to step in when inevitably religious and philanthropic organisations proved unable to cover for large numbers of people unemployed through no fault of their own. Simply enshrining coverage through religion or philanthropy does not cover everyone in the society and it cannot do so in the context of a capitalist system producing large numbers of unemployed people and the need for a group of unemployed people to be called into work when the opportunity arises during its industrial phase.

Social Welfare State vs Philanthropic Provision

One would think in this day and age that the ruling class is aware of the inability of a small group of wealthy individuals providing sustenance for those in need in the context of a capitalist economic system. Much of this argument is wed to the idea that the social welfare state is essentially the same thing as charity and hence should be addressed under the rubric of a small group of wealthy individuals or foundations who ascertain the deservedness of the recipients. Control over whom gets assistance and the importance of the wealthy and powerful in providing it is an essential component for those advocating this form of provision to the poor. This can be seen quite clearly in the following from the Cato Institute advocating the elimination of welfare and its replacement by charity:

“The ultimate reform goal, however, should be to eliminate the entire system of low-income welfare for individuals who are able to work. That means eliminating not just TANF but also food stamps, subsidized housing, and other programs. Individuals unwilling to support themselves through the job market would have to rely on the support of family, church, community, or private charity.
What would happen to the poor if welfare were eliminated? Without the negative incentives created by the welfare state, fewer people would be poor. There would also likely be fewer children born into poverty. Studies suggest that women do make rational decisions about whether to have children, and thus a reduction in welfare benefits would reduce the likelihood of their becoming pregnant or having children out of wedlock. […] In sum, private charities typically require a different attitude on the part of recipients. They are required to consider the aid they receive not as an entitlement, but as a gift carrying reciprocal obligations. At the same time, private charities require that donors become directly involved in monitoring program performance (Cato Institute: Downsizing the Federal Government).”

Historically, this bears a strong resemblance to the arguments of Malthus in the 19th century; neither recognising that unemployment is part and parcel of the system and shifting the blame for poverty onto the poor. Like the Cato Institute, Malthus also advocated that assistance should primarily be done under the rubric of religious charities and philanthropic organisations in opposition to the generalisation of state support under the Poor Law (old and new) advocated both by Tories of the time and by Liberals such as Bentham who supported state provision for the poor.

In the US, the social welfare system is geared towards assisting the poor. In that sense, it differs substantially from the system created in Europe. There are clearly some general programmes in the US geared towards temporary conditions of unemployment and disability. There is also a state education system and a general pension system provided by social security (but the cap on contributions is pushing this more and more towards assistance for retired members of the working class rather than a general system).

The resort to a system of taxation (where the vast majority of money is provided as an intra-class transfer of income and not between the upper class and working class) and contributions towards provision of pensions and insurance (e.g., unemployment insurance, disability insurance) and to the state as guarantor of the social subsistence of the majority of society came about for a number of reasons. In fact, the intra-class nature of provision for the social welfare system is the first thing that differentiates it from charity (interclass based) as it is more horizontally defined; however, it is vertically administered through the state.

The impersonalisation of the social welfare state also serves the need of the bourgeois state legitimising the capitalist system and creating the illusion that it covers all. From the point of view of the ruling class, given the instability of the system resulting in economic crises, the need to limits costs of employers to ensure provision of services and pensions, state provision is incredibly useful to provide the illusion that the system covers the needs of all irrespective of access to private property and wealth. In the case of those unable to labour to obtain their subsistence, the provision of income for these people plays an important role in the system. It maintains the power of the ruling elite by keeping discontent and social disorder minimalized and as such protects the system; it provides income to ensure consumption of goods produced in the system keeping economic growth and ensuring profits are realised, and it ameliorates inequalities brought about by a system based upon private property, wealth and income inequality, where production is not based upon need but upon profitability.

This form of provision of the universal social welfare state (and even its inadequate relation in the US) has moved well beyond charity provided in earlier systems and is based not only on covering the poorest but ensuring access to services (e.g., healthcare) to ensure reproduction of the working class while not affecting substantially the reproduction of the economic system where the employer needs to provide for it. So, the notion of social subsistence (rather than assistance to the poor) is what defines the role of a universal social welfare state (as existing in Europe). In this context, social subsistence is made available to all and is not an extension of earlier forms of charity; social subsistence includes access to housing, food, transport, disability benefit (both sickness and long-term), provision of pensions, healthcare, general education, child-care, maternity benefits and extra income for those that have children.

Universality has made it far more difficult to accuse recipients as the lazy feckless poor and has forced a specific targeting on programmes that the poorest members of society receive (e.g., housing benefit, job seekers allowance, long-term disability benefits) while shifting more general benefits towards means-testing (e.g., winter fuel allowance, child benefit). This attempt in Britain to shift towards a system more similar to the US is undermining the universal nature of the social welfare state and will invariably undermine social subsistence in Britain by definition as access to services will be limited on the ability to pay and hence will not be available to all.

Where should the Left stand in the discussion?

As members of the Left, the defence of the universality of the social welfare state is important. Yes, it serves the needs of capital, but it provides an essential part of social subsistence for the working class as well. Fighting for the interests of the working class to provide both for short term assistance when invariably the capitalist system fails to provide for all and also to ensure provision of services that will not be guaranteed to be supplied to workers if privatised is essential. A cursory glance at the US health system should provide clear incentives to protect the NHS. In the case of a social welfare system (like the US) geared towards only the poor, fighting for extension of protections and making them universal is an obvious step forwards for the working class as a whole.

Additionally, we need to be helping to develop different forms of support that are more horizontally based. Socialisation of care to provide care to free women from these roles in the home could also not only provide jobs for women, but they can also ensure that this is more communal or cooperatively based. An excellent example of this would be community provision of childcare in the absence of state provision (with funds provided by the state or raised within the community). This has been attempted in Venezuela under the Chavez government. Another example concerns solidarity. Solidarity is horizontal, not vertical. It is a relationship based on equality where support, assistance and needs are being met in a shared relationship.

Anti-Capitalist Meetup: Workers, not Servants by Irene Ortiz Rosen

2:40 pm in Uncategorized by Anti-Capitalist Meetup

Today we are fortunate to have a diary describing the current condition of domestic workers in Mexico. This is an issue which has received increasing attention in the last three years. A long-time activist in the Domestic Worker Movement, Irene Ortiz Rosen, is the Co-Founder and Director of Collectivo Atabal, an organization of activists and feminists formed to defend the rights, dignity and demands of domestic workers in Mexico City. She is also the Co-Author of “Así es, Pues” a socio-economic study of domestic workers in Cuernavaca. A recent emigrant from Mexico, she approaches the subject from a global perspective which emphasizes the class and anti-imperialist aspects of the struggle as well as its patriarchal nature.

In the world of labor, a large group of women whose work is the maintenance of the homes of others is largely ignored—domestic workers. According to the ILO, there are more than 52 million domestic workers in the world.

In almost all countries, domestic workers share the following characteristics: 1) invisibility; 2) migration; 3) low levels of education; 4) gender, ethnic and racial discrimination; and 5) the informality of their labor. These are all products of poverty.
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Domestic workers make up an invisible workforce because their work is carried out in the private sphere, that is, the homes of their employers. Their contract is verbal, their work is isolated, and their mobility is common.

Generally they are migrants, usually, within their own countries. This is the case for indigenous women and women who come from rural areas in Latin America. And as the gap in inequality grows throughout the world, in the poorest countries the phenomenon of migration (usually without papers) is growing beyond borders. That is how they arrive to United States and Canada, by informally working as House Cleaning Personnel, Nannies and Home Attendants. In New York alone, we are talking about more than 200 thousand people who are working under disadvantaged conditions due to their Undocumented status.

Their discrimination is shared with nearly all women, and its logic corresponds to the subordination of women in a patriarchal culture. Within the patriarchal view of the traditional role of women, their work is an extension of the reproductive role, which is considered natural for their gender.

We should not forget that women in general, as housewives and mothers, perform domestic work without any pay whatever. Consequently, their work is not considered part of the national economy despite the fact that it makes up about 20% of the GDP. If a woman looks for waged work, she enters the labor market in a disadvantaged way; forty-five percent of women domestic workers receive salaries that are 10% lower than salaries received by men for the same work.
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Global economic policies that have impoverished the majority of the world´s population have brought women in all countries into the public sphere. The women working in the public sphere then need to hire a domestic worker to care for their children and home. However, because they, themselves, are not paid well, they are unable to pay a fair wage, even if they value the services being performed by domestic help.

Out of an employed population of 42.6 million in Mexico, there are 1.58 million domestic workers. They make up the fifth-largest group of informal workers.
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The Mexican Federal Labor Law (LFT), in a brief chapter, only refers to domestic workers who live in the homes of their employers, “live-in workers,” and specifies two rights: the wage and the working day. In Article 334, it says, “the pay should be 50% in kind (food and a room).” And in Article 333 it says, “they have the right to have necessary time to eat and to rest at night.” In practice this means that the wage is minimal and that the working day is 12 to 15 hours.
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In the case of “external” workers,” their employers are typically members of the middle class and look upon this work as a “service of help,” sporadic and temporary. The law does not specify their labor rights. Their only power is to negotiate their wages according to the current state of supply and demand in the labor market. Occasionally, those who are valued on their jobs because they have been doing it for so long and those who are part of a union (some are unionized) do achieve better work conditions.

From my experience of 20 years as an organizer of this workforce in my country, I see similarities not only in the conditions of the work, but in the efforts and organizing strategies as well, in Latin America, in California, New York, Chicago and Canada.

Labor union organization, as it is well known, is almost impossible because domestic workers don´t work for a single employer. The attempts to organize the unions in Latin America, are almost symbolic, without recognition or force when facing the employers. They are more like social organizations.

Nonetheless, over the past 40 years, there have been organizations, each with its own character in each country. The principal demand is to stop “live in” which is the most exploited type of work. There have also been addition demands, like regularizing the working day, receiving full pay for holidays and other benefits like the year-end bonus, vacation time and health insurance.
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The strategies implemented and agreed upon are based on the sociopolitical and historical context of each country. In my work, emphasis is on the following strategies: 1) the search for alliance; 2) integrating oneself in social movements; 3) searching for solidarity and actively seeking the company of activists and advisers. This includes, accepting and looking for donations, creating campaigns, editing publications, reaching the media, lobbying political actors, and most importantly, educating workers about their rights.

In Mexico, the initiative began when activists pushed workers to unionize. There are also the personal goals of the workers affiliated with unions such as educating them about their rights, the acknowledgment of dignity in their industry, the improvement of their working conditions and their legal defense in abuse cases.
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Of collective achievements, I would like to point out the best known ones: The Domestic Workers Bill of Rights recently won after ten years of struggle in New York State; a federal deputy of indigenous origin in Bolivia who had been the leader of a domestic workers organization; in Brazil, a representative of a domestic workers organization to parliament, along with labor law reform and the recognition of a domestic workers union; In Uruguay, the syndicate achieved health coverage legislation, along with severance pay and a bonus on retirement. In Mexico, 20 years after activists began promoting the organization, an indigenous leader, is continuing the process of organizing in Mexico City.

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The most significant achievement is the adoption of Convention 189 by the ILO on June 16, 2011, which advocates for the dignity of work for domestic workers, along with the adoption of Recommendation 201, which sets the goal of guaranteeing dignified pay and working conditions for domestic workers around the world. At this point, however, only six countries have ratified the convention: The Philippines, Mauritius, Italy, Bolivia, Nicaragua and Uruguay.

I want to conclude by emphasizing that with every achievement, the workers face new challenges that motivates them to keep on fighting. The Bill of Rights, in New York, now has the task of informing each worker of it’s content and it’s right to be followed. No more, no less. It’s a process that some must begin and others must continue in hopes that tomorrow things will be better for everyone.

Working Class Self-Activity III: Walmart Workers Rising & the Prospects for Radical Politics

3:56 pm in Uncategorized by Anti-Capitalist Meetup

Walmart Strike in Seattle, November 15, 2012.

Written by Le Gauchiste

“The emancipation of the working class must be the work of the working class itself.”

- Karl Marx & Friedrich Engels, 1879

On November 6, an electoral coalition made up mostly of working class Americans prevented the election victory of a reactionary party and slate of candidates whose policies would have wreaked untold misery on working people, including the poor, and wrecked the macro-economy as well. But the working class’s real political move this November has occurred not in voting booths but in Walmart parking lots across the country, where Walmart workers protested their wages and working conditions, even as, halfway around the world in Bangladesh, more than 100 textile workers making clothing for Walmart were killed by a fire caused by unsafe working conditions.

We have global capitalism, but have we a global working class or not?

The ongoing grassroots labor activism at Walmart in the U.S. reminds us that while the election is over the class struggle is not, and that class politics moves now from the voting booth to the workplace and the streets. For any Progressive whose political imagination extends beyond the narrow ideological confines of today’s two-party discourse, that is good news indeed. For those of us who consider ourselves socialists or radicals, it is essential, because those confines have rendered electoral politics basically irrelevant to advancing working class interests, as opposed merely to defending them.

Part I: What’s Going On?

Starting in June, Walmart workers have unleashed an unprecedented wave of labor unrest that has shaken the retail behemoth and its global supply chain. The ongoing protests reached one peak on so-called “Black Friday,” when 1,000 strikes and protests were held across the country and at least 500 Walmart workers walked off their jobs, making it the largest U.S. strike in the history of Walmart.

The Black Friday walkout was organized by the “Organization United for Respect at Wal-Mart” (OUR Walmart), a year-old group of Walmart employees sponsored by the United Food and Commercial Workers union (UFCW). OUR Walmart and its allies the Warehouse Workers United Union and the National Guestworker Alliance are pushing for an end to unsafe working conditions, a living wage, benefits, and an end to corporate retaliation against employees for organizing activity.

Notice what is missing: There is no demand, or even request, for the formation of a union. Whatever the current Walmart activism is, it is not a union organizing drive, at least not formally and not today. The reason for that lies in the fact that an organizing drive at Walmart at the present time would lose spectacularly, setting back labor organizing in the retail branch of the service sector of the economy by a generation.

In any union drive, there are three basic elements: the workers, the company and the law, and in the case of Walmart all three elements work against labor, at least for now: If asked today Walmart employees would vote heavily against a union; Walmart corporate is ideologically anti-union, once actually closing a store (in Quebec) after its workers voted in a union; and the law is so heavily tilted in favor of employers and against unions that formal organizing drives are virtually a thing of the past.

So OUR Walmart instead emphasizes respect for employees and the problem of wealth inequality within the Walmart company. A low-level Walmart employee averages $8 an hour and won’t get a pay raise until after 6 years of committed employment. And even then, the raise only brings the worker’s pay to $10.60 an hour or $22,048 a year, still below the national poverty line for a family of four in 2012. Low wages force many Walmart employees to rely on food stamps and other government assistance to provide for their families.

Of course, this being capitalism, this poverty is by no means shared equally across the company. In 2011 Walmart’s net income was $15.7 billion, and the net worth of the Walton family totaled $89.5 billion in 2010, as much as the bottom 41.5 percent of U.S. families combined.

Part II: What Does It Mean?

“This struggle about the legal restriction of the hours of labor raged the more fiercely since, apart from frightened avarice, it told indeed upon the great contest between the blind rule of the supply and demand laws which form the political economy of the middle class, and social production controlled by social foresight, which forms the political economy of the working class. Hence the Ten Hours’ Bill was not only a great practical success; it was the victory of a principle; it was the first time that in broad daylight the political economy of the middle class succumbed to the political economy of the working class.”

- Karl Marx, 1864

The Walmart activism, limited as it is both in word and deed, is remarkable because of the significant role–both practical and symbolic–that Walmart plays in the political economy of the 21st century U.S. Walmart’s business model, based as it is on a philosophy of intrusively authoritarian management, payment of the lowest wages possible, and intransigent hostility to unions, is the epitome of neo-liberal business theory. Based in right-to-work Arkansas, Walmart has stayed almost entirely union-free for most of its existence.

The point is that Walmart, with its global supply chain and network of stores, is today’s equivalent of U.S. Steel or General Motors–what we used to call the “commanding heights” of the capitalist system of production. Scaling those heights is the most difficult and most crucial task, for just as the successful organizing drives at GM and USS helped lead to waves of organizing of heavy industry, so too could victory at Walmart open up the service sector to unions.

The company has never before dealt with coordinated labor protest on this scale. Dan Schlademan, director of Making Change at Walmart, another organization backed by the UFCW which works closely with OUR Walmart, explains the significance.

“In the past, Wal-Mart would fire people, would threaten people … and that would be enough to stop people in their tracks. The difference now is workers are using Wal-Mart’s own tactics to challenge the company and not backing down. Really, for the first time in Wal-Mart’s history, the tools that are used to keep people silent and under control are now being used against them. That’s significant.”

“Here is what’s so significant about this: this strike was about sending a message to Walmart that these workers won’t be silenced. This wasn’t a strike to try to cripple Walmart’s operation. This wasn’t a strike to impact their Black Friday sales. This was an unfair labor practices strike to send a message to Walmart that your retaliation is going to get a response like this: it is going to get publicized, and a tool they’ve been using is going to be used against them.”

Although, as noted above, OUR Walmart isn’t pushing for union representation, Schlademan explained why OUR Walmart. “All the other things that are the heart and soul of the labor movement and of workers’ organizing are there, which is collective action, workers pulling their resources together so they have a bigger voice, and utilizing the public to educate and build power to change the company.”

Schlademan said that OUR Walmart is in it for the long haul.

“It’s gotta start somewhere. … Workers are having enough. You look at the sit-down strike, you look at the civil-rights movement, you look at the women’s rights movement, you look at anything, you look at Occupy, right? It started off with a few people sleeping in a park, and it grew,” Schlademan said. “So this is a process—people are building a movement inside of Wal-Mart, and they’re building a movement outside of Wal-Mart. What was in October was the beginning. What’s gonna happen on Black Friday will be a continuation of that … and this will just continue to build.”

The number of union-related work stoppages involving more than 1,000 workers, which reached an all-time low of just five in 2009, rose to 13 this year as of October. And unions aren’t done yet.

Nurses are striking this week at hospitals operated by Sutter Health in California; workers voted against concessions at Hostess Brands Inc., forcing the company’s hand; pilots at American Airlines are wreaking havoc on the airline’s schedule as it tries to cut pension and other benefits.

Julius Getman, a labor expert at the University of Texas, points out that labor activism tends to snowball.

“There’s a lot of agitating going on, people are unhappy. They feel that they’re not being well-treated. There is a swelling of annoyance at the rich. If there really is turmoil at Wal-Mart on Friday, it will set in motion a lot of other protests. There will be a sense of, ‘Well, they did it, why shouldn’t we?’”

Photo by OURWalmart under Creative Commons license.