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Escaping from the week’s bad news for Republicans, David Brooks revisits the nature-nurture debate in a discourse on the explanatory limits of evolutionary psychology, a favorite ten syllable phrase he trots out whenever the horizon looks bleak for the GOP:

Has there ever been a time when there were so many different views of human nature floating around all at once? The economists have their view, in which rational people coolly chase incentives. Traditional Christians have their view, emphasizing original sin, grace and the pilgrim’s progress in a fallen world. And then there are the evolutionary psychologists, who get the most media attention.

Imagine, Mr. Brooks building a column of distraction on three things he knows little about, in order to deal with having just read his monthly charge card statement:

Shopping isn’t merely a way to broadcast permanent, inborn traits. For some people, it’s also an activity of trying things on in the never-ending process of creating and discovering who they are.

I imagine he’s also making his sponsors and their spouses feel comfortable with their credit card bills, too, though his crowd uses them to manage cash, not because they haven’t any.

Back in the real world, Paul Krugman articulates his worries about which Obama will hold sway over the other when it comes to reforming health care:

On one side there’s Barack the Policy Wonk, whose command of the issues — and ability to explain those issues in plain English — is a joy to behold.

But on the other side there’s Barack the Post-Partisan, who searches for common ground where none exists, and whose negotiations with himself lead to policies that are far too weak.

He worries that Obama will reform health care with the same "too little by half" approach he used not to reform financial services and the economy.

[T]he final form of the policy has to be good enough to do the job. You might think that half a loaf is always better than none — but it isn’t if the failure of half-measures ends up discrediting your whole policy approach.

Cost control is not just a Republican talking point used to derail reform. It is an essential element to effective, consumer-oriented reform. The debate is about whose costs get controlled. Will we reduce the power and exclusivity wielded by private insurers by establishing a credible, low administrative-cost public insurer? Will we give that public insurer the power to negotiate fees for drugs and services (a power denied the public in George Bush’s drugs plan for seniors)?

The government does both capably through Medicare and could replicate that with a wider mandate, and with adequate resources and informed oversight from Congress. Not much is at stake — hundreds of billions of dollars, the credibility of government involvement in any health care reform, and the health and pocketbooks of three hundred million Americans.

Mr. Krugman closes by using his bully pulpit at the Times to good effect, repeating a message Jane Hamsher has been putting into action:

Mr. Obama and Democrats in Congress have to hang tough — no more gratuitous giveaways in the attempt to sound reasonable. And reform advocates have to keep up the pressure to stay on track. Yes, the perfect is the enemy of the good; but so is the not-good-enough-to-work. Health reform has to be done right.