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The Biggest, Baddest Prison Profiteer of Them All

7:09 pm in Uncategorized by Jesse Lava

Co-authored by Sarah Solon, communications strategist at the ACLU.

“CCA” has become a dirty word.

Corrections Corporation of America

More government kickbacks for prison profiteers?

Kanye West cited it when rapping about America’s class of “New Slaves.” Anonymous invoked it to describe a bad financial investment that undermines justice. And for state after state, the word represents a failed approach to public safety.

And that’s how it should be. Because profiting off mass incarceration is a dirty business. When private prison company Corrections Corporation of America — or CCA — squanders taxpayer money and runs facilities rife with human rights abuses, it’s dragging its own name through the mud.

All private prison companies have corrupting incentives. One is to save money by cutting corners. Another is to promote their bottom line even when that’s not the best means to securing public safety, taxpayer value, fairness, and justice. Although CCA isn’t the only company with these incentives, it has done more than any other corporation to grow the private prison industry into a behemoth plagued by abuse and neglect and profiting off our nation’s over-reliance on incarceration.

Ask the family of Elsa Guadalupe-Gonzales. She was 24 years old when she hanged herself in her cell at one of CCA’s immigration detention facilities in Texas. Three days later, guards found Jorge Garcia-Mejia dead in his cell at the same facility. He, too, had hanged himself. Two suicides in three days, despite the fact that both Elsa and Jorge were supposed to be closely monitored by guards.

These lapses are indicative of a broader problem. CCA routinely shirks its responsibility to comply with basic standards. In Idaho, CCA employees falsified nearly 4,800 hours of staffing records. In Ohio, auditors found outrageous violations like prison without running water for toilets, in which prisoners had no choice but to use plastic bags for defecation and cups for urination.

And yet, CCA made $1.7 billion in just the last year — more than any other private prison company.

How do they do it? Although CCA insists that it does not engage in “lobbying or advocacy efforts that would influence enforcement efforts, parole standards, criminal laws, and sentencing policies,” the company pours money into both lobbying and campaign contributions. From 2002 to 2012, CCA devoted more than $19 million to lobbying Congress, and its PAC shelled out over $1.4 million to candidates for federal office during the same time period. They wouldn’t spend all that money if they didn’t think it would expand their market share.

And spending all this money has worked. CCA now manages facilities with over 90,000 prison beds in 20 states. Many of their contracts include “lockup quotas” whereby states promise to keep the company’s prisons anywhere from 80-100 percent full. That’s good for CCA, because they’re paid per day, per prisoner. It’s bad for those of us who think failed policies have led to an era in which too many people are behind bars for too long.

Such agreements incentivize states to pass needlessly harsh laws that would keep bodies flowing into CCA facilities — and cash into the pockets of CCA’s shareholders.

Lock-up quotas are only example of a policy that fills CCA’s coffers. Another could be immigration reform, if it goes badly. The House Judiciary Committee has passed the SAFE Act (HR 2278), a toxic measure that, if passed, would turn millions of undocumented immigrants into criminals overnight. No longer would lacking papers be just a civil violation; it would also become a federal crime punishable by months or years in a U.S. prison, even if the person poses no public safety risk. This move would also dramatically expand the civil immigration detention system, which could help CCA rake in huge profits since nearly half of all people in immigration detention are locked in private jails and prisons.

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Why is this university president afraid of the truth on private prisons?

5:02 pm in Uncategorized by Jesse Lava

Stadium Naming Rights

Stadium Naming Rights

The debate over Florida Atlantic University’s decision to name a football stadium after a notorious private prison company has descended into deception.

Today, student activists confronted FAU President Mary Jane Saunders at a public forum to denounce the fact that the school is taking $6 million from the GEO Group in exchange for stadium naming rights. This company has a shameful record of human rights violations, abuse, and neglect at its facilities. Unfortunately, Saunders was less than forthright in dealing with her critics.

The first problem was dishonesty over the forum rules. On Monday, students had engaged in a sit-in at Saunders’s office and agreed to leave only after Saunders promised there would be an open public dialogue on the issue, with an open Q&A and a mutually-approved moderator. There was also the strong implication that community members (i.e. non-students) would be able to ask questions. It’s all on videotape. Yet the administration quickly reneged on these terms. It named the moderator itself, declared that community members couldn’t ask questions, and made a list of the students who could ask questions. Indeed, according to student organizer Anole Halper, with whom I spoke today after the event, students tried to present Saunders with a petition that had amassed nearly 10,000 signatures, yet she refused to take it (though the moderator eventually relented and took it himself). Does this sound like an administration comfortable with an open dialogue?

FAU has also been deceitful about the nature of its arrangement with the GEO Group, insisting that the $6 million it received was just a charitable gift, not a corporate sponsorship. This claim is absurd on its face: a corporation doesn’t hand over $6 million to get nothing in return. And in this case we know the assertion is false because there’s a signed agreement in which naming rights are given in return for the “donation.” If this were a mere gift, GEO wouldn’t need its name on the stadium in the first place.

FAU’s dissembling adds to the falsehoods that the GEO Group has already been peddling. Immediately after news of the naming deal broke, the company apparently tried to scrub its Wikipedia page of all information that portrayed it in a negative light.

Then, in an attempt to bat away the bad press it was receiving, the GEO Group claimed that a number of the accusations being leveled against it were unfair because the abuse at one of its youth facilities in Mississippi had occurred under another company’s watch. Actually, that’s not true. As the ACLU has pointed out, the Department of Justice report in question was not issued until March 2012, and its investigation occurred in 2011 while GEO was in charge. The report accused GEO of “systematic, egregious, and dangerous practices exacerbated by a lack of accountability and controls,” contending that the sexual misconduct there (which included staff-on-youth abuse) was “among the worst that we have seen in any facility anywhere in the nation.” So there’s that.

Together, the GEO Group and Saunders have displayed a pattern of deception. These aren’t isolated incidents. GEO and FAU seem to think that genuine transparency would be bad publicity, and the best strategy to save their naming deal is to lie about it and shut out the community. Not that this is entirely surprising: these are the folks who thought it was totally cool to pair a public university with a human-rights-violating private prison. Yet there does come a point when being aboveboard is really the best way to stop getting raked over the coals.

Halper says there was a two-minute applause break today after a student told Saunders that the GEO Group deal is making Florida Atlantic University an embarrassment for alumni. Let’s hope Saunders and FAU’s board of trustees heed that warning and listen to their students and the broader community instead of trying to deceive them.
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VIDEO: Did a Private Prison Edit Its Wiki Page to Hide Its Past?

4:26 pm in Uncategorized by Jesse Lava

Word came out this week that Florida Atlantic University had sold the naming rights to its new football stadium to the GEO Group, which is the second largest private prison company in America. Beyond Bars has a petition to stop this move, which has generated an outpouring of criticism. Video here:

It appears that in an effort to minimize the damage from this developing story, the GEO Group may have decided to give its Wikipedia page a facelift.

If you visited the page before the story became a New York Times headline, then you would have seen this section highlighting the company’s sordid past:

Soon, however, that entire section was nowhere to be found. Instead, there was a very corporate-friendly timeline touting the company’s history, successes, and high-points. So who made the change? All the edits appear to have been performed by someone named Abraham Cohen, and there just happens to be an Abraham Cohen employed by the GEO Group as a spokesman.

As a result of Mr. Cohen’s edits, Wikipedia added the following disclaimer to the top of the page:

Keepers of the Wiki faith seem to have undone those edits over the last day. But clearly, if GEO Group did indeed edit its own Wikipedia page, this is not a company that cares about the truth or an open dialogue. Otherwise, why go to all the trouble to hide the section labeled controversies that appeared on the page yesterday? This is a corporation that wants to control the information and discourage people from getting the entire story. Now aren’t those values completely antithetical to everything a university is supposed to stand for?

We think so. If you agree, then head over to Beyond Bars’ online petition asking Florida Atlantic University to drop the GEO Group.