The public option was always a fig leaf. Thus, its demise will not really change the fundamental nature of the health care bill, in my opinion. It merely pushes the bill a small step further down the road. I’d argue that a more important issue is the funding, which is changed in the Senate bill from a progressive income tax on the wealthy to taxes on high-end insurance plans and on insurers and providers. These taxes may well be regressive.
According to the CBO, the effects of this bill on overall premiums will be a negligible 1% increase overall. They may be wrong, but that seems hard to predict for sure.
On the other hand, the benefits of the bill are clearly progressive. Medicaid is offered to low-income people and in the exchanges the subsidies benefit the middle and lower middle class.
With that off-the-cuff look, I’d say the overall effects of the final bill are tending towards positive. Yes, it will do nothing to change the overall structure of the system. Yes, costs will continue to spiral out of control in an unsustainable manner. But will the bill make the situation worse? It’s hard to see how.
Then there is the question of political calculus. There’s the cost-benefit analysis of whether the Democrats have more to lose by jettisoning the current bill or else by passing an unpopular bill. There’s also another question that may be getting short shrift: how much the Democrats winning or losing actually impacts what most of us really care about, namely progressive change. These are tough and subjective questions.
I don’t know the answers, but at least we can outline what the answers depend on. The first answer depends on the public reaction after the bill is passed. If the public hates the bill and wants it reversed, the Democrats will suffer. In Massachusetts the public reaction has been positive several years on, but right now nationally the bill is unpopular.
The second answer depends on the existence of a viable political alternative to corporate Democrats that isn’t the Republicans. In other words, say the Democrats somehow lose politically from this. Either they lose because they pass the bill and the public hates it, or they fail to pass it and the public punishes them for weakness. Is the opposition likely to be Republican or leftist?
My view about this bill is similar to the view that David Himmelstein expressed earlier this year. When asked about how Congresspeople should vote, he said they should abstain. He did not say oppose. I don’t think we should waste effort attacking Congresspeople strictly for voting "yes" to this bill. I think whether to vote for or against this bill is an issue that reasonable people can disagree about because the logic depends on matters of political calculus that are hard to understand and predict. I certainly don’t think we should attack politicians like Anthony Weiner or Bernie Sanders for their choice here.
"But," you’re saying, "somebody has to pay. We didn’t get into this mess through the actions of reasonable people. We got into it because of corrupt sellouts and hacks." True. But we need to discern the best place to focus our efforts. The truth is that the story of sellouts and hacks began far before the final vote on this bill. It began far before, in fact, the so-called public option and Medicare buy-in were jettisoned in favor of the demands of Lieberman and Nelson. The story begins with the fact that most Democrats–meaning most, i.e., a majority that does not just include Blue Dogs but rather the actual center of gravity of the party, are beholden to the moneyed interests of insurers and especially providers on this issue. Even in the more democratic House, a mere 90 or so representatives out of 250 Democrats favor Medicare for All. In the Senate, the domination of money is nearly complete, with maybe three or four people in favor. This is in a country where two-thirds of the population may well favor Medicare for All given sufficient information about the topic. (See Kip Sullivan’s recent must-read piece.) The problem is not some "tail" of the Democratic Party, as certain apologists and misinformed people sometimes say, with Robert Kuttner for example coming to mind on the recent Bill Moyers Journal. The problem is at least two-thirds of the elected officials in the party.
If "we" is progressive activists, then by the principle that tending to one’s own house is one’s first and foremost responsibility, our first concern should be to truly come to grips with this. In the end we can hardly blame anyone else for the abject state of affairs of health reform if we are still accepting the absurdities pushed by certain so-called "progressive" figures. Howard Dean comes to mind: he is now angrily calling for the demise of the Senate bill and fulfilling his usual role of superficial progressive hero, even while he denounced single payer from the start and said that anyone attempting it would "pay an enormous price at the polls" because "you can’t take choice away from Americans."
The founders of the major progressive blogs are deeply compromised right now. Markos Moulitsas is behaving like the clown and hack he typically does, which is entirely predictable given that his blog is quite explicitly "not a liberal blog" and is officially wedded to the current Democratic Party. No one with any intellectual honesty could wed themselves to that beast (not that Moulitsas makes much pretense of having any). Chris Bowers, Mike Lux and similar "progressives" provide a more intellectual but ultimately just as vacuous perspective. Firedoglake is hardly immune either with its sponsorship of slinkerwink the public option propagandist over at Daily Kos, of "Public Option Please," and so on. The only blogs I know of that actually align on health care with the interests of the general unwashed masses (contrast to educated bloggers) are Corrente and ZBlogs.
So yes, let’s make somebody pay–but let’s make it count. The first order of business of bloggers needs to be changing the blogosphere. The problem is that this is not really a matter of blogging, rather it’s about supporting blogs that are actually progressive and even of forming new blogs. We should cut down the legitimacy of faux-progressives by leaving their blogs as much as possible, whether they’re Kos-like clowns or Bowers-like intellectuals. I refuse to post on Daily Kos or Open Left, and only post on Firedoglake because of the great community here, not because of its editorial activities. I stick around on TPMCafe probably due solely at this point to Dean Baker. I strongly suggest that everyone crosspost all their work at Corrente. ZBlogs is even better but without enough responses to be a viable community at present. We should work on that.
Corrente is obviously not as large an operation as Firedoglake, let alone King Kos. It clearly needs software as well as fiscal help. That also goes for ZBlogs, not to mention as yet uncreated blogs. The blogosphere at present is not structured democratically, but for the most part is dominated by opportunists who happen to have the expertise in software and management on their side. If we’re going to democratize it then progressives need to capture the technical and managerial expertise. I myself am a computer science major and might try to lend a hand if my personal life ever allows the time, which at the moment it doesn’t.
Progressives in general need to understand that the Democratic Party is at least two-thirds rotten. Democratic leaders are not idealists, they are power players who are simply acting in their own self-interest. Chuck Schumer for example is a brilliant politician in one of the most Democratic states in the country, yet he certainly is no Medicare for All advocate and hence has sold out a majority of the US population, not to mention the even larger majority that must exist in New York. None of this bothers him in the slightest because he’s dedicated not to progressive ideals but to getting elected by the widest margin possible. The interests of Democrats and of the public are not always or in fact even mostly the same. They just happen to be superior to the Republicans.
Finally, we need to get better organizations. Moveon.org is now calling for the demise of the Senate bill in a fashion reminiscent of Moulitsas, Dean, and other fakers. A far better organization is Progressive Democrats of America, which is actually economically progressive, unlike Moveon which was founded by wealthy entrepreneurs in classic liberal elite style.
It goes without saying that Health Care for America Now is simply a shill to the Democratic establishment and explicitly rejects the idea of meaningful opposition. It is perhaps with them more than anyone that we should place our blame for the disaster that is this bill. After all it is rather easy for politicians to resist a mass movement when there are groups like HCAN working to distract from any movement because it’s "infeasible." We put our faith this time around in an organization that explicitly favors politics and "process" over policy and populism. It’s time to buck up and realize that no win is possible without a fight. Let’s get behind Healthcare-NOW! and Progressive Democrats of America.



34 Comments




great post overall.
I’m a little surprised when you write “the benefits of the bill are clearly progressive”?
for one, it’s getting worse with every alteration, and even the most dedicated legislative wonks are necessarily behind the curve and out of the loop as changes are inserted and loopholes added.
the allegedly beneficial components may well not work as advertised, but the inimical ones most likely will.
the reductionistic pullback is “foul fruit from a foul tree” and you seem to have some clarity about how foul Washington is – with so many unknowns yet, how can one imagine the alleged ‘progressive benefits’ will outweigh the terrible harm the bill includes – Stupak, the mandates?
maybe some divine intervention will prevent this monstrosity slouching through Washington to be born.
in this holiday season, it is something to hope for.
“some divine intervention will prevent this monstrosity slouching through Washington to be born.”
So be it. Amen.
Kill Bill.
Reconcile.
Very well written, thank you. This is not working for me though, and I’m going to keep repeating it:
“On the other hand, the benefits of the bill are clearly progressive. Medicaid is offered to low-income people and in the exchanges the subsidies benefit the middle and lower middle class.”
My income is all over the map, from 40-130k depending on who I’ve pissed off in any particular year. Which income will any subsidies be based on? I can’t believe I’m the only uninsured, self-employed person in that situation.
Second, like most middle class, what ever the hell that means, My debt structure very conveniently takes up all of my income plus a few k for good measure, so regardless of subsidies, I ain’t gonna have the rest to buy crap insurance, nor the patience to fight for every god damned benefit due like I used to with BC/BS of NC.
I recently had the option of COBRA from a MA plan….$1,546.23 per month! Hell, paying cash I don’t spent that much in a year, and I NEVER get rejected. If something nasty happens, I’m screwed anyway. Why pay 19k per year in the meantime?
Barry and friends are going to take cash from the middle class, then give it back to them (well, the insurance companies) and call it a subsidy. Oh goody.
Dean Baker supports passage of the Senate bill.
As does Krugman: http://www.nytimes.com/2009/12/18/opinion/18krugman.html?_r=2&scp=3&sq=krugman&st=cse
“In Massachusetts the public reaction has been positive several years on, but right now nationally the bill is unpopular.”
Not so sure about that first assertion.
This Massachusetts law — mandates to buy the most costly private insurance in the world, with waivers for those who really can’t afford it even with subsidies — is taking an ever bigger chunk of public money from the budget of the Commonwealth on down to the budgets of small towns.
The fine for not buying insurance is now up to about $1096 per year for individuals. The fine applies even if you’ve been trying unsuccessfully to penetrate the Mass. health insurance bureaucracy in order even to get insurance.
Physicians may be OK with the Mass. law. I don’t know.
It however creates huge unfunded medical administrative overhead for businesses.
Both houses of the Mass. legislature have pending bills to OK single-payer. There’s a reason.
This bill is a gift for insurance companies. As a small business owner I will pay MORE for my inurance with this bill than I do now. Where’s the reform?
more on the MA experience from emptywheel (i know you know about, having commented on the thread, but others may not)
21% of People in MA Still Forgo Necessary Medical Care
i’ll just add that the MA reform appears to be in almost all ways, better than the house bill (see my comments on marcy’s thread).
do you know what james galbraith says? (i like dean a lot but he’s a deficit dove, which imo is almost as bad as a deficit hawk)
one of my big problems with both the house and senate bills is what they do to undermine state insurance regulation.
This bill does suck and I do not support it. Now way should anyone be forced to buy insurance from the Big Insurance companies,period. The idea that another opportunity will not present itself in the near future is absurd. If things get half as bad as they say it will be than those sitting pretty now will be begging for reform shortly. I agree with Howard Dean. Reconciliation time or just put the public option back in and let those 5 bums go on record against it. Then will see in 2010 if it was just Liberals who are all fired up about it. This also gives the current Dems 5 sellout scapegoats to further push for more progressives in 2010.
Khin – While I’m glad you appreciate the community we have built here, you might feel more comfortable posting where the ideological alignment is more to your liking.
Anyone is free to band together, as Jane did, with like minded people to begin their own place. In getting a blog community going, you will need to recruit folks with certain skills including computer and technical, yes you are correct in that. But I have to say, I find it a little odd that you don’t even feel it worth your time, as a computer science major, to use those skills on issues which you say are of overriding importance.
Easier to be an armchair quarterback: to criticize the hard work, alliance building, and political actions of another person who has put in the long years of building a blog. You are welcome here, but I hope you will give some thought for what it took to build this place, it did not suddenly appear one day out of nothing.
i hope khin stays. since when did dissent become a bad thing?
p.s. what “ideological alignment” are you referring to?
I am in a similar boat. The subsidies will not stop me from having to pay more than what COBRA would have cost. Now COBRA would have delivered the type of benefits which would not have been worth it. I, too, am better off paying out of pocket for my health care. So, choosing not to buy the COBRA was an easy calculation. Now, my choice will remain and I will pay the fines. If employment with insurance comes along I will jump at it but, i believe the landscape will change significantly soon. Less employment sponsored insurance and ever decreasing coverage.
The fact that the only insurance choice which does not exceed the cut off for hardship waiver is a crappy 60%/40% HIGH deductible program and it will still be 8% off the top of ones income.
I am sure there plenty of Democrats who are still buying the kool-aid. Not I. What I see happening is that the Democrats become minority very quickly as the negative impact on most self-employed people is drastic. I have never been to upset by tax increases as I found value in the services. Now, with endless wars of no value and a large tax being applied to me with no benefit in return, I find myself hearing the no new tax mantra with a different understanding. When the bills come due I bet the exodus will be dramatic.
Hi Khin, I agree with much of what you say above, but not about voting for this bill. Here are some reasons why we need to kill this bill.
1) What the bill does immediately (2010 – 2014) doesn’t materially address the primary consequences of lack of insurance: fatalities, bankruptcies, and foreclosures. Therefore, the bill is a lie because it doesn’t get people care in the short run at an affordable price and protect them from financial ruin. This alone is a compelling reason to vote against this bill.
2) The bill doesn’t address the problem of insurance cost increases at all in the immediate period. We can predict that in the four years from now until 2014, we will see insurance premium increases from 50 -75% or more. This alone is insupportable since it will increase the average annual cost of family coverage from the current 13,375 to roughly $20,000 – 24,000. This is another compelling reason to defeat the bill.
3) The bill sells out a woman’s reproductive choice. This is not something progressives should ever agree to, since it is a core principle of progressivism.
4) After 2014 the bill tries to force people to buy unaffordable and also crappy insurance from private insurers. The subsidies are not high enough to make insurance affordable except in the judgment of legislators who are all well off and have no understanding of middle class family budgets, and the subsidies don’t do anything about the remaining high out of pocket costs people can expect.
5) After 2014 the bill will not cover 30 million additional people. The subsidies are not indexed to rising insurance costs, and therefore insurance even with subsidies will become increasingly unaffordable. In my view it’s doubtful that more than 15 million will be covered, and those people won’t be protected from bankruptcies and foreclosures because out of pocket costs will be great enough to drive middle class people into bankruptcies. Since US population will be increasing over time, we can expect the total number of uninsured to grow over time, so even after 2014 and taking into account the 15 million additional people covered, we will still be looking at 35 million uncovered, and 35,000 fatalities per year due to lack of insurance.
6) After 2014, it won’t be possible to enforce the mandate. The IRS isn’t really a very effective collector. It collects only a very small percentage of debts each year now. If there is widespread non-compliance with the mandates, the IRS won’t be able to enforce them. In one way that’s good. However, the IRS presence will be a constant irritant to people, and in addition, widespread non-compliance will increase the widespread disrespect and cynicism we already see with respect to our laws and their enforcement.
7) The bill does nothing to stop or decrease the share of GDP being spent on health care. It’s now about 17.5%, if GDP averages 3% growth over the next four years, which may not be the case if we have a double-dip recession, we’re looking at health care costs outrunning GDP growth by probably about 7% per year. By 2014, health care expenditures could be about 22-23% of our economy, while other nations are still at 12% or so. This will make the US much more uncompetitive in international markets than we are now.
8) in addition to all these reasons, one of the more compelling ones is the political damage that passing this bill will do to the larger political context. In the short run, it makes it much more difficult to pursue real solutions to health insurance reforms because the political elites will moan about how hard they worked to pass this bill, and about how everyone should wait around until 2014 to see how it will work. In the longer run, the inflation in premium costs, the waiting period of four years while costs increase, and the actual experience of the system beginning in 2014, will all persuade people that it’s useless to expect Government to help people with their problems. This bill is potentially a killer for progressive politics, if we let the Administration push us into the obvious wait-and-see posture with respect to it that they expect from us.
In brief, we need to work as hard as we can to defeat this bill, and if we can’t convince any Senators to kill it, then we have to come out of the box in January breathing fire about how bad it is, and how much it needs to be repealed before the elections of 2010, and replaced with enhanced Medicare for All.
Btw, Jon Walker has a great piece today on why “killing this bill” is not killing reform. I recommend it. He also has another piece on why this bill is a lousy foundation for an incremental approach.
No, I think we have to work to kill this bill, and if we fail start a repeal movement immediately.
Haven’t heard, but I’d be shocked if he wasn’t with Krugman.
thanks. galbraith’s economics is much different (and i think better) than krugman’s but as far as i can tell he has usually sided with the dems on domestic matters. guess i was hoping for something along the lines of this older (2002) oped of his: How the Economists Got It Wrong, instead of party loyalty.
I appreciate your rejection of the present Senate bill, for the reasons given. Where are you on the House bill?
PS. I used to be marchan1940; had to change email addresses.
Blessings,
I spoke to David Himmelstein of PNHP after he appeared on Bill Moyers Journal this past year and suggested that he go after the companies that fund conservatives in both parties with consumer boycotts to pressure their CEOs to get us single payer. After I got out the first sentence he abruptly told me he will do nothing of the kind.
IT seems like a no brainer to strong arm the companies that give money to conservatives in both parties in both houses with boycotts of their products aka purchasing strike to force these companies CEOs to go to congress and get us the legislation that we want, but my cynicism about the progressive netroots organizations which I have contacted over the last 4 to 8 years, continues because these netroots organizations appear cowards when it comes to boycotting.
These netroots organizations appear to me fake liberal organizations who will not play hardball with the funders of conservatives.
We don’t have a progressive health care bill because these netroots appear cowards in that area of boycotting. Even the Progressive Democrats of America will not touch the funders of conservatives.
http://www.democratz.org
I will not vote for Chuck Schumer when he comes up for election. I will abstain from voting on that office. I will go to the polls in 2010 and 2012 and vote for dog catcher, so I can keep my registration and voting record up to date.
Schumer and Clinton did not lift a finger in the senate to fix the junk prescription drug benefit that should have gone in Medicare Part B. Why do elderly and disabled people have to pay 2 sets of monthly premiums and 2 sets of yearly deductibles for one drug benefit when the drug benefit should have gone into the outpatient benefit Medicare Part B which covers some drugs at present.
However the Republiklan party wanted to enrich the drug companies and the health insurance companies and privatize medicare.
I will not vote for Gillibrand either. I will vote for Tasini and if he wins then I will vote for him in the general election. Otherwise I will abstain from voting in the Gillibrand race if she wins the primary.
I have had enough of fake progressives who cowardly will not go up against Republicans.
I also have had enough of grassroots people who cowardly will not go after the funders of conservatives in both parties with consumer boycotts and strong arm them legally to go to the congress and get us the legislation that we want.
Hi marchan, Nice to see you again. I against passing that too. For reasons given here, here, here, and in other places.
I can understand your frustration, and agree with you. Have any of these organizations provided reasons for excluding boycotts from the list of tools we might use to get economic justice?
If we’ve determined that we can probably get a better bill with reconciliation, and that is what we mean by “kill the bill,” then I do not have a problem. Maybe what we want to do is pass a leaner bill, one that only includes a Medicaid expansion and a Medicare buy-in and that simply does not address the private sector. As far as my fairly meager understanding of Senate procedure goes, that is possible.
I found the debate between Nate Silver and Jon Walker about using reconciliation to be informative. Nate Silver argues that if a bill were passed using reconciliation, senators like Ben Nelson and Joseph Lieberman would very likely vote against the remaining provisions out of spite at having been snubbed in the process. However, it now occurs to me that maybe it doesn’t matter. In other words, suppose they do kill the other portions of the bill. So what? The provisions I am most attached to as a progressive are the very ones that could be passed through reconciliation. If the other provisions go down, maybe they can wait anyway.
The big question for me is how likely we are to actually get a leaner and better bill through reconciliation. A big sign we might get it is that the consequences of passing no bill for the Democrats after six months of debate are, at least in my intuitive estimation, likely worse than passing even the current bill. Therefore, being self-interested, if they are somehow blocked from a successful comprehensive bill, they will at least pass a smaller bill. However, against this we do have to balance the fact that Harry Reid would have to make enemies with the most conservative members of the Democratic Party by doing so, and also this debate has gone on for six months and there is a limit to how much time can be devoted to one issue. But upon consideration I am starting to come around to the idea that this is actually doable. That’s not because I think this bill is literally worse than nothing, which seems difficult to justify given the sources and recipients of funding. Rather it’s because it seems hard to imagine Obama and Reid just giving up, passing nothing, and embracing a Clinton ’94 redux.
I don’t think your statements above show that this bill is worse than nothing. For example, it’s true that the best provisions of this bill don’t kick in until 2014, but neither does doing nothing. Also, I don’t see any evidence for saying that health expenditures could be 22-23% of our economy by 2014. That is far beyond any projections I’ve seen.
Anyway, regardless of whether this bill does pass, we need to fight first and foremost for a Medicare for All system and go through the process of soul-searching that I described above. The bar for determining whether a person or group is progressive on health care reform should not be whether they favor a mere Medicare buy-in for those aged 55 to 64 who cannot find other insurance, or a “public option” that is not actually an option for most. The population supports better than that and there’s no excuse for demanding anything less. We should not be supporting groups, blogs, or others who claim to be progressive and refuse to do so. That also means jettisoning any poison alliance with the Democratic Party. Those who ally with the present mostly-rotten Democratic Party are simply suck-ups to power.
That’s really the central point I want to make here. Regardless of what happens in the next few days and weeks, far more significant are the failures that brought us to this disheveled state in the first place. We wouldn’t be in this asinine position if we hadn’t put our trust in the Democratic Party, in associated lapdogs like Moulitsas, Bowers, and Dean, and in organizations like HCAN and Moveon. If “we,” meaning progressives, had dumped these sorry people and organizations and supported independent ones like Corrente, ZBlogs, Kucinich, Healthcare-NOW! and PDA with equal fervor, this would not have happened.
People have different lives. I will certainly at some point be more able to help out. Right now all I can do is crosspost on, and recommend, better blogs.
It’s better than nothing.
I don’t really know if we should be deciding who to favor based on narrow questions of tactics like that. What Himmelstein’s reasons were I can only guess at, but all evidence I’ve seen says he’s both honest and committed to a clear position on health care. There’s a very sharp contrast between that and vacuous poseurs like Dean, Moulitsas, Bowers, Kirsch, etc.
My statement was based entirely on this. I’m sure there are many problems with the Massachusetts model, but popularity doesn’t seem to be one of them.
When I say the benefits of the bill are clearly progressive, what I mean is that the subsidies and the Medicaid expenditures, which are the two main benefits under the bill, are given to lower income folks. If our goal is to create a more equitable society, that makes the overall effect of the bill good, except if the sources of funding also come from lower income folks, thus canceling out any benefit. And in the Senate bill, while some of the taxes may well be regressive, others probably aren’t, and it’s hard to imagine that the whole package is so regressive as cancel the benefit. That’s the underlying logic. This logic could use some quantitative fleshing out, but the basic conclusion seems pretty solid.
Thanks khin,
I think we’re in pretty close agreement. But a couple of comments on this statement:
“I don’t think your statements above show that this bill is worse than nothing. For example, it’s true that the best provisions of this bill don’t kick in until 2014, but neither does doing nothing. . . . ”
I think my statements above show that the bill does much positive harm before 2014, and plenty of harm after that as well. I’m neither claiming that it’s worse than nothing, nor suggesting that we have to settle for nothing. The choice between this bill and nothing is a false choice. What I am saying is that if we kill this bill we are much more likely to get something better in the short run, while if we vote for it we are much less likely to get something better in the short run.
You also said:
“Also, I don’t see any evidence for saying that health expenditures could be 22-23% of our economy by 2014. That is far beyond any projections I’ve seen.”
Compute the projections yourself. Private sector medical costs are increasing by about 10% per year right now, while the GDP forecast is what, about 3%. Medical costs are about 17.5% of the economy in 2009. GDP is about 14.3 trillion and Medical expenditures are 2.5 Trillion. If you think any of these estimates are wrong, then use your own.
Finally I didn’t read Nate’s debate with Jon. But here’s my recent piece on reconciliation, which also suggests that once we go through reconciliation, we don’t much care if they don’t want the regulatory bill, because if they defeat that, we’ll defeat their exchange and then the stuff passed in reconciliation will destroy them.
Yes, Himmelstein is a real Medicare for All hero, who has devoted many years of his life to this cause. We don’t have to agree to him on economic boycotts to recognize that he’s made superlative contributions to our knowledge about our health insurance problems and their solutions.
The reverse is also true. Since nothing much comes of the bills until 2014 or 2013, there is really no cogent defense of the claim that we must pass HCR immediately. Sounds like we have 4 or 5 years to talk about it, if we wanted to without doing additional harm.
But the problem I find with the course of the legislation is that once this stinky bill is passed we won’t return to it for years. I know Obama never wants to see it again and I can’t think any Democrats want to, given the damage they have already sustained. To me, this is why the bill is worse than nothing at all. We will be forced into indentured servitude by the insurance abd health care industries for 10 more years and we will have lost our opportunity to make significant beneficial reforms designed to lead us to a system more in line with single payer. Our trojan horse was a PO or Medicare for all over 54, theirs is a bill without one. They win at this point and we get our pockets picked.
The truth of the matter is that progressives in Congress are caught in a catch-22. Either take some progress with a great deal of imperfection or go home for another decade or more. The demise of LBJ in ’68 set progressives back for over a generation and Democrats are smart not to want to see that happen again. Interestingly, it was Nixon who held the line for progressives for a short while, although most liberals, at the time, saw him as the anti-Christ.
America in the last 40 years has not been a progressive country and it still isn’t a progressive country. Today, liberals worship at the altar of Social Security, Medicare and Medicaid, but many have no clue how limited they were when they were first passed into law.
If Obama goes down in 2012 because the netroots refuse to suppot him and a Palin-like conservative takes over, progressives will wish they had Obama to kick around. The tea party protestors and conservative talk-show hosts are not entirely crazy when they say Obama is a radical. Compared to what has happened in the past 30 years in Washington, Obama is a radical incrementalist. The amount of money he is committing to progressive programs is astonishing. When you guys get a chance you should try to read Obama’s budgets and the stimulus bill. Politifact.com has showed that Obama has fulfilled 72 campaign promises, compromised on 18 and broken 9. That is very impressive for a liberal Democrat dealing with a center-right congress. Remember that there are 53 blue dog Democrats from moderate to conservative districts.
As the conservatives at the National Review Online aptly pointed out, Obama is slowly but surely rebuilding the Welfare State that the Republicans in the Congress forced Clinton to partly tear down in the ’90s. Don’t full yourselves into thinking there is a better electable althernative out there. There isn’t. If Hillary had won, she would have been less progressive than Obama is right now(I know that is difficult for many of you to imagine). Compare her liberal rating to Obama’s in the Senate.
She cut her teeth in the Conservative tide of the ’90s and learned scaring lessons that Obama is yet to learn. He will learn those lessons soon enough in Nov 2010 and progressives will wish for the Obama of 2009, just as they yearned for the LBJ of ’64-’65 and the FDR of ’33-’35. Progressive change is hard, so cut the guy some slack.
The main reason why the HCR must be passed now is because Democrats will NOT have the advantage they have now in 4 or 5 years. Either you take the compromise now or take a worse compromise in the coming years when Republicans gain more influence.
Sorry, this argument doesn’t work with me. I don’t know the future and neither do you. We both just guess. My guess is that this bill is more likely to kill the prospects of progressive reform in the future than our killing it will. Here are reasons for killing this bill. Here are some reasons why I think my guess is right and yours is not.
By taking this compromise we ensure that they will have more influence.