Please allow me to introduce myself

I’m a man of wealth and taste

I’ve been around for a long, long year

Oooooooooooops.

(Note to self do not have catchy tunes playing in the background while typing.)

807. The initial period after the arrival of a military force in a peace support or peace enforcement operation has been described as the ‘honeymoon period’. That suggests that there is a period (variously given as 100 days or three months) in which to put things right. The term ‘honeymoon period’ is a misnomer. It is not a honeymoon. It is the most important phase of the campaign. [Emphasis in original.]

… … …

809. Security forces do not ‘win’ insurgency campaigns militarily; at best they can contain or suppress the level of violence and achieve a successful end-state. They can thus reduce a situation to an ‘acceptable level of violence’ – a level at which normal social, political and economic activities can take place without intimidation. ‘Acceptable level of violence’ as a term should be used carefully since violence should have no place in a developed society. What is required is a level which the population can live with, and with which local police forces can cope. Security forces should bring the level of violence down to the point at which dissidents believe they will not win through a primarily violent strategy and at which a political process can proceed without significant intimidation. If possible, the situation should not be allowed to come to that stage.

… … …

811. Addressing the causes of the insurgency will not generally be within the remit of the armed forces. They can achieve a limited but critical security task, but that will not be the solution to the overall problem. In addition, they should avoid making the situation worse. It could be argued that the Army did make the situation worse by, in practice, alienating the catholic community in 1970 and 1971. In this regard, it should be acknowledged that while material improvements can be delivered, in some cases it may be much more difficult to change emotions, perceptions or deep-seated grievances and beliefs.

Source: British Army Internal Report: "Operation Banner – An Analysis of Military Operations in Northern Ireland"1

If you’ve been following the debates on the various wars being waged in various parts of the Middle East and South Asia by America and her allies the phrase "the lessons of Northern Ireland" may be familiar to you. It gets bandied around rather a lot by British politicians and British Officers.

There’s a particularly egregious example of it here:

Truce with Taliban a sign of hope :

Mr Alexander told BBC radio from Afghanistan: ‘‘I think people recognise from the experience of places like Northern Ireland that it is necessary to put military pressure on the Taliban while at the same time holding out the prospect that there can be a political process that can follow, whereby those that are willing to renunciate violence can follow a different path.’’ 2

And another example of it here:

House of Commons Hansard Debates for 19 May 2009 (pt 0003): 3

T3. [276091] Paul Rowen (Rochdale) (LD): Is not the lesson from Northern Ireland for the middle east peace process that all parties need to be involved? What steps is the Foreign Secretary taking to ensure that Hamas is involved in the forthcoming peace talks?

David Miliband: One can debate long and hard the lessons of Northern Ireland, but one lesson is that all sides need to renounce violence. That will be the basis for a political settlement in the middle east.

It sounds so wonderfully self-evident as to be almost axiomatic doesn’t it? "All sides need to renounce violence" for progress to be made. There’s just one tiny little problem. That’s not one of the lessons to be learnt from the Northern Ireland Peace Process. It’s a blatant and flagrant lie to say or even to imply that PIRA/Sinn Féin  "laid down their weapons" before entering into the talks that became the Northern Ireland Peace Process with the British and Irish governments. Moreover there are plenty of people both in the Midddle East and in South Asia who know that it’s completely false.

The IRA, far from laying down their arms and renouncing violence before entering into talks flat out refused to do so. They refused to even contemplate doing so because they knew that to renounce the Armalite component of the "ballot paper in one hand and the Armalite in the other" strategy at that point would have been to provoke a catastrophic split within their ranks. The IRA Army Council may have admitted within its internal private debates that the war could not be won militarily. But Sinn Féin was doing badly in its struggle with the Nationalist (and non-violent) Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) to represent the Nationalist community in Northern Ireland.  The situation as it then obtained is best described by Tom McGurk writing in Ireland’s "Sunday Business Post" :

During the interminable years of the peace process, Adams and McGuinness had been accused of foot-dragging, but what would have been the point of it all if they had rushed ahead and left behind yet another, smaller version of the IRA?

Source: McGuinness’s words are a milestone in republicanism | Sunday Business Post | Irish Business News

PIRA/Sinn Féin fought on. It fought on until its continued use of violence enabled it to reach its political goal of becoming the voice of Northern Ireland nationalism. Once it had done this it it was in a position of strength. The success of the peace process as evidenced by the lack of political violence, the presence of Sinn Féin ministers in the Northern Ireland cabinet, and reports such as:

"Now that that campaign is well and truly over, the army council by deliberate choice is no longer operational or functional.

"This situation has been brought about by a conscious decision to let it fall into disuse rather than through any other mechanism."

in the Nineteenth Report of the Independent Monitoring Commission:

Came about a considerable number of years into the peace process because the PIRA/Sinn Féin started their negotiation from a hard-won position of strength not despite it. British politicians (and soldiers) can try to rewrite history as much as they like, their efforts don’t affect the lesson learnt from the Irish Peace Process in those parts of the Middle East and South Asia in which America and her allies including the British are waging war.

Both Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness  have shared their experience of the Northern Ireland Peace Process as part of their continuing peace promotion efforts in both Irak and Palestine and both have replied honestly and bluntly to questions from participants at various fora and peace process training sessions. As Gerry Adams’ once pithily expressed it,

"The reality is that there would be no peace process if it were not for the IRA". 

The lesson that has been learnt amongst many in the Middle East who have studied "the lessons of Northern Ireland"  is that it is folly to lay down your arms until you have secured both your continued survival and many of your objectives. The lesson learnt is that violence works. 

markfromireland

Notes:

1 The operational name for the British armed forces’ operations in Northern Ireland between August 1969 and July 2007 was "Operation Banner". For the British Army’s "Lessons Learnt" see their 98 page internal report "Operation Banner – An Analysis of Military Operations in Northern Ireland" cited above. The report was released by the British Army following a  Freedom of Information Act inquiry, from the Pat Finucane Centre the Wikileaks page for the report is at this link and has several download links if wikileaks’ server is overloaded the report can be got from this alternative link.

2 For a lenghtier report see UK Daily Mail Newspaper report: Britain calls for Northern Ireland-style peace deal in Afghanistan as two more soldiers are killed in explosions .

3Hansard is an edited verbatim report of British parliamentary proceedings. It is the official record of debates, parliamentary questions, votes, etc.