
Workers from Hot and Crusty win recognition for their union after 11 months of organizing. (Photo: Laundry Workers Center)
Originally published at In These Times
Once upon a time in the labor movement, a rebellious vanguard emerged at the margins of American industry, braiding together workers on society’s fringes—immigrants, African Americans, women, unskilled laborers—under a broad banner of class struggle.
The Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), or Wobblies, raised hell in the early 20th century with unapologetically militant protests and strikes.
Their vision of a locally rooted, globally oriented anti-capitalist movement was eclipsed by mainstream unions, which had more political muscle. But grassroots direct action is today undergoing a resurgence in the corners of the workforce that have remained isolated from union structures.
Such alternative campaigns have a special resonance in today’s food industries, which employ the roughly 20 million people (one-sixth of the total workforce) who harvest, process, distribute and sell the food we eat. This marginalized, low-wage group is hungry for organizing models that move as nimbly as the corporations that run the production chains. The IWW’s signature organizing model, syndicalism (which prioritizes direct action in the workplace), meshes with the growing trend in the labor movement toward less bureaucratic labor groups, such as worker centers and immigrant advocacy campaigns. Flexible mobilization that doesn’t require formal votes or union certification is well-suited to precarious laborers seeking to outmaneuver the multinationals.
Since 2007, the Wobbly-affiliated coalition Focus on the Food Chain (FOFC) has empowered workers in New York City’s food sectors to challenge abusive employers on the streets and in the courts. The group—an alliance between the local IWW and the advocacy group Brandworkers International—aims to “carry out member-led workplace justice campaigns to transform the industry” and focuses on the oft-neglected links between farm and fridge. According to Brandworkers Executive Director Daniel Gross, these processing and distribution industries are a “sweatshop corridor.”
“The business model,” he says, “is exploitation of recent immigrants.”
But in New York, the workers at these companies—some of which cater to high-end natural gourmet markets—are tied into the local food system as consumers as well. So groups such as Brandworkers envision empowering working-class communities holistically, with well-paying jobs that ensure families’ access to the literal fruits of their labor. In the long term, Gross says, FOFC aims to “transform this sector to provide the good manufacturing jobs that we want to see and to create a sustainable food system that provides fresh local food.”
That vision is far from fulfilled, but workplace-based campaigns have yielded victories. In Brandworkers’ lawsuit against the Queens-based distributor Beverage Plus, a federal court awarded $950,000 in damages to Latino warehouse workers and drivers who complained of wage theft and harsh working conditions, including up-to-12-hour days. FOFC also challenged local kosher foods producer Flaum Appetizing, a company notorious for underpaying and abusing immigrant employees. In a two-pronged strategy, FOFC launched a complaint with the National Labor Relations Board for discriminatory retaliation against immigrant workers, and also worked with an Orthodox community activist group to pressure some 120 grocery stores to stop doing business with Flaum until it met workers’ demands. The disputes ended earlier this year, with workers winning a $577,000 settlement.
On a national scale, advocacy and community groups (including Brandworkers) have organized the Food Chain Workers Alliance, promoting economically and ecologically sustainable ways of eating. Member groups have campaigned for the rights of restaurant staff and of child farmworkers, and have established “fair food procurement” principles to pressure employers for solid wages, better working conditions and the use of local food.
Creative direct-action organizing has trickled into food service sectors as well. In September, after the management of a Hot and Crusty bakery in Manhattan attempted to lock out workers seeking to unionize, 23 employees didn’t just picket, but launched their own enterprise to reclaim a space in the city’s foodscape. With the backing of the local labor group Laundry Workers Center, the Worker Justice Cafe served coffee and bagels outdoors—a la Hooverville-meets-Occupy—until their union gained recognition.
The range of tactics employed by urban food workers reveals the great ecosystem that is labor. When farm wages are driven down by exploitation of migrant workers, that shapes labor struggles higher up the food chain in processing plants and restaurants. When cooks and servers organize, they gain leverage to demand that restaurants source from growers of ethically produced food. The monopolies of agribusiness and the service and retail industries embody how a corporatized supply chain systematically cheats workers and impoverishes communities.
And while the heyday of syndicalism has faded, the food economy’s sheer mass and dynamism may prove fertile ground for its resurgence. Just as our food is sourced on a local, regional and transnational scale, immigrant workers’ struggles are inherently local and global. As corporations tighten their grip on systems of production, workers can only respond through a combination of direct-action and cross-industry solidarity, spanning a long chain of linked injustices.
UPDATE: Reflecting the same uncompromising energy as the Hot and Crusty workers earlier this year, New York City has just seen a spectacular surge of strikes by non-union fast food workers demanding decent wages and working conditions. For more, see David Moberg and Josh Eidelson‘s coverage of this potentially groundbreaking workers’ movement.



12 Comments

Southern Dragon would be proud
Indeed.
Never. Give. Up.
My thoughts exactly. I just wish he were here to see this. He’s the only actual Wobbly I’ve known personally.
NOW. That’s what Im talking about. YEAHHHHHHH
You guys are awesome. Let the living wages begin. Right on!
Join the ranks of American Heroes. Yeaaaaaaaaaaa
The Wobs are more than some historical phenomenon. They’re probably alive, well and organizing in a city near you. Check out this list to learn when and where the next meeting is:
http://www.iww.org/en/branches/US
One of our core principles is that we are all organizers, and we provide everyone with training to bring that out.
Check it out.
Flashback 100 years ago, When farmers typically bred early and often, sowing the seed that would eventually yield 10 healthy male/female farm workers who, when in season, had many double shift 16 hour days because their lives depended on it…crops coming in, ptting up hay, etc..starting by around 10 years old… farms have endless chores for children…
Corporations, corporate farms… both inherently inhuman(e)… so bucking corporate powers by organising labor is great, do it! I dream of a resurgent organic workforce, healthy happy, full benifits, ethically laboring and producing…but until we elect someone like Jill Stein that reality is delusional… America requires new mandates as to how to proceed in a ruptured, overpopulated earth… Obama lacks such vision…even as our ecology screams for leadership…OMG bless the Organizers, yeah!
First. 99 heart felt and genuine huzzahs for the IWW. Great people. Great work……But…..the IWW still today take the seriously mistaken view that labor law is an obstacle to organizing the working class. After Walker in Wisconsin, SB5 in Ohio and similar laws around the country, isn’t it time to accept that despite their inevitable downsides, the working class gains more than it loses via labor law?
The organic and spontaneous walk-outs and strikes that characterized the response to Walker’s eliminating collective bargaining for public sector workers in Wisconsin supports the IWW’s approach to militancy and bottom-up organizing. But, since the issue at hand was workers defending their labor rights under the law shows that the Wobblies are stuck in a Pre-CIO and Pre-New Deal understanding of what the capitalist state is and how it operates. The modern affirmative welfare is part of the terrain in capitalism today and the IWW is stuck with a programme from 1912 when it didn’t exist. In between the IWW position and supporting the Democrats and AFL-CIO/Change to Win labor wholesalers there is a lot of political space to occupy and build a strong working class movement.
The National Labor Relations Act, as amended in 1947, with its “even-handed” provisions for labor and management, has proven to be a great impediment to labor organizing. Management attorneys are able to use the provisions of the law to endlessly tie up orgazizing efforts. The range of permissible collective bargaining has been restricted through court decisions, and union intimidation by employers is not seriously sanctioned. Democrats have shown themselves unable or unwilling to change the provisions of this law (for example, by introducing card check-off or prohibiting permanent replacements during strikes).
Yes, there is an essential role for good labor laws. But the Wobblies are correct that labor must not constrict its efforts to the stifling parameters of these laws.
I’m so excited for a resurgence of the wobbly ideas. They fought for more leisure time- the 8 hr day. The other unions were about wages. An employer can control wages. They can’t control your FREE time. They try, but they can’t. It is in that free time that innovation happens from the shush-ke-bob to the Blues.
He’s smiling right now, I’m sure.
I’m not sure it isn’t smarter for workers to concentrate on self-reliant direct action than to count on legislators and courts. To affect law you have to hire bureaucrats, lobbyists, staff in DC etc. who are then easily captured, co-opted and bought off by the DC machine. Big unions sound good in theory but I question both their ability to remain fierce advocates for the workers (and more so in lower wage trades where the class/cultural divide between the rank and file and the union bureaucrats is large) and not become corrupted by the corrosive environment. Not to mention the significant draining of scarce resources implicit in playing a losing high dollar lobbying game competing against opposing lobbyists with deeper pockets.