First, I want to compliment/thank Ezra Klein for doing a series of posts (see here, here, here and here) Wednesday summarizing and explaining the major provisions of Senator Baucus’ health reform bill. The summaries were helpful and clear.

Ezra’s last installment, Five Ways to Improve Max Baucus’ Bill, contains some helpful suggestions, and like they say about the general effort "there is 80 percent agreement" on what he’s suggesting.

So what’s the 20 percent? And what is he describing by the 80 percent?

If you walk through the first four recommendations, they are generally ideas or principles liberal Democrats have been supporting from the beginning:

1. Get rid of the "free-rider" provision that creates perverse incentives that distort employers hiring decisions. Everyone agrees with Marcy that this is a bad provision. This doesn’t exist in the Senate HELP or House Committee bills.

2. Increase the subsidies and impose lower caps on what consumers would have to pay in out-of-pocket costs. The HELP and House bills generally do that; they should do more.

3. Phase in Sen. Wyden’s "free choice" idea, by quickly expanding eligibility for employees at larger businesses to choose insurance (and receive subsidies) from the Exchange, starting in 2015. The House bill allows this expansion to occur, starting in . . . 2015; it just needs to be more certain, rather than be left solely to the discretion of the Secretary of HHS (hello, Olympia Snowe?).

4. Create real competition with a public option, [*ahem*] allowing those eligible for the exchange to choose a government directed, not-for profit insurance option that is not driven by the incentives that have created today’s perverse private insurance system. As Ezra notes, the availability of the Public Option as a choice will help induce the private insurers to comply with the reform regulations:

It’s much likelier to happen, however, if they’re protecting themselves against real competition in the market. And if it doesn’t happen even in that scenario, then at last people will actually have somewhere to go.

Bravo, Ezra!

But his last recommendation is, uh, strange:

5. Do things the Republicans want, to get bipartisan support. Uh, the things the Republicans want us to do are exactly opposite from the first four items, especially creating competition with a public option or increasing costs by expanding subsidies and lowering out-of-pocket limits. And despite their co-sponsorship of Sen. Wyden’s bill before it mattered, the Republicans are adamant about not exposing insurers who now serve the employer-based market to any competition from a public plan.

You can’t do 1-4 and then expect to gain Republican votes, no matter what else (and what else is there?) you offer them.

I’ll just add one more thing. With the exception of the peculiar free-rider section, which doesn’t appear in the House or HELP bills, implementing Ezra’s recommendations 2-4 means moving the bill towards the House/HELP Committee bills.

In other words, Ezra’ points are an implicit endorsement for using those bills, not the Baucus bill, as the foundation for discussion (and for Harry Reid to use for the Senate bill). Then if Baucus has refined/improved some of their ideas (and he has) fine; take the improvements and give Baucus credit. But the real kudos go to the House and HELP bills.

And that includes the House revenue provisions. Ezra praises the tax on high-end insurance plans and notes that the differential between health inflation and general inflation means this item will tax more and more plans over time and pull in more and more revenues. That helps Baucus’ plan claim revenue savings into the second decade. But Ezra correctly fears that Congress will intervene, just as it does every year on the AMT.

The House bill includes a surtax on the wealthiest, justified on its own, which is simply a recognition that if you want to ensure sufficient revenues to pay for expanding health coverage, you’re going to have to look outside the health system, just as we do for Medicare. To turn the revenue triggers on their heads, if the cost-saving measures work as well as hoped, then Congress could consider reducing/repealing the surtax or redirecting it to deficit reduction, or whateer, but if not, we’re going to need the surtax.

[Added Thursday a.m.: The Baucus tax on high-end insurance is structured so that over time, it undermines the economics of the employer-based insurance model. That's where he's going. That's all the more reason to start building a Medicare II public plan system to replace the system we have.]