Over the weekend, America’s Health Insurance Plans (AHIP), the health insurers’ lobbying arm, released a report attacking the Baucus/Senate Finance reform bill. It’s the end of the truce and war is on.

The report, prepared by PricewaterhouseCoopers, is a hatchet job, and the main blow is the claim the Baucus bill will raise everyone’s average insurance rates by $4,000/year by 2019 and by a cumulative $20,700 between now and and 2019, compared to current law. From AHIP’s summary (h/t TPM):

For example, the analysis shows that the cost of the average family policy is approximately $12,300 today and will rise to:

* $15,500 in 2013 under current law and to $17,200 if these provisions are implemented.
* $18,400 in 2016 under current law and to $21,300 if these provisions are implemented.
* $21,900 in 2019 under current law and to $25,900 if these provisions are implemented.

In fact, between 2010 and 2019 the cumulative increases in the cost of a typical family policy under this reform proposal will be approximately $20,700 more than it would be under the current system.

But if the reform bills are reducing the numbers of uninsured, imposing mandates to create pools for lowering average costs in the individual and small group markets, and making efforts to reduce provider costs in Medicare, what would cause insurance premiums to rise? AHIP’s hatchetman knows how to build a misleading case.

1. The mandate has weak and delayed penalties for not buying insurance, which will convince young/well people not to buy insurance (until they get sick), so they won’t contribute to the exchange pools, thus raising the average rates. [This is a commonly recognized incentive problem, but there's no consensus on how low/high penalties can/must be to affect compliance rates. The insurers' concern is that the Schumer/Snowe amendment effectively eliminated the penalty in initial years. Massachusetts penalties are higher, but also seem too low, yet the state still gets about 95 percent of eligible people to sign up. The House bill penalties are higher than Baucus' bill.]

2. Cuts in payments to Medicare and other public health programs will force providers to recover the lost revenues by raising rates to private insurers and individuals. [This assumes that Medicare payments would be below provider costs, which Medicare administrators dispute. And hospitals and PHrMA already cut deals to lower their Medicare/caid revenues by $155 and $80 billion respectively, with no claim they'd shift those costs to private insurers. There is no agreement that Medicare cuts result in $ for $ cost shifts to private insurers (see here), but this may be a relative market power issue: Medicare has more negotiating power than private insurers, relative to consolidated hospitals and local provider networks; these are anti-trust issues.]

3. New taxes on high-end plans will be passed through and result in higher premiums for employer-based plans, while new taxes on other medical services/devices will be passed through in the form of higher insurance premiums for everyone.

As Ezra Klein reminds us, PwC is also known for the hatchet job it did in defending the tobacco industry from proposed taxes on cigarettes. Klein and TNR’s Jon Cohn reveal the consultant’s flaky assumptions that allow it to reach its conclusions. Klein finds the key footnote that drives all the results:

A footnote — how come the good stuff is always in the footnotes? — on page E-2 of the report sort of gives away the game. It reads: “Impact assumes payment of tax on high- value plans, full cost-shifting of cuts to public programs, and full passthrough of new industry taxes.” That’s written to obscure, but what it means is that the report assumes no behavioral changes in response to new policies.

Klein also argues that the AHIP report compares raisins with plums. Current law allows insurers to sell junk insurance at lower premiums, but high co-pays and thin, misleading coverage. Reformed insurance products with higher actuarial value to consumers would naturally cost more, but the point was to provide real, not phony, insurance.

By releasing this hatchet job, AHIP is signaling its truce with the Obama Administration is over and it’s now open warfare on Congressional health reform efforts. While the target is the Baucus reform bill, the arguments could apply generally to all the bills.

And the report adds the usual hit on how a public plan/option would make matters even worse, because, AHIP argues, public plans just don’t pay providers enough. So those responsible private insurers would have no choice but to sustain the entire health industry by raising their premiums.

More:
Jon Cohn/TNR, Is the insurance industry declaring war?
TPM, Senate Finance Committee slams AHIP report

“This report is untrue, disingenuous and bought and paid for by the same health insurance companies that have been gouging too many consumers for too long as they stand in the way of reform yet again,” Scott Mulhauser said. “It’s a health insurance company hatchet job, plain and simple.”

White House/DeParle on PwC: “These guys specialize in tax shelters.”
SC/Seminal, AHIP Explains How it Will Cherry-Pick the Exchanges…
Kaiser Health News, original story on Schumer/Snowe amendment to weaken penalties for not buying insurance